Stephen (Steve) Bantu Biko emerged as a powerful voice for Black liberation in South Africa during the tumultuous period between the mid-1960s and his tragic death in police custody in 1977. At a time when both the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) were banned, Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) resonated deeply, particularly with the youth, who yearned for a new organization to articulate their grievances against the oppressive Apartheid regime. While not the sole leader, Biko became the most iconic figure of the BCM, guiding student discontent into an unprecedented political force. He and his contemporaries responded to the escalating Apartheid policies of the Nationalist Party (NP), which, after two decades in power, was systematically dismantling any semblance of integration by creating segregated residential areas, parallel institutions like schools and universities, and the notorious tribal homelands.
Despite his untimely death before reaching 31, Stephen Bantu Biko’s impact on South Africa remains profound and enduring. Beyond the BCM, he is also credited with founding the South African Students Organisation (SASO), established as a Black-led alternative to the predominantly white and liberal National Union of South African Students (NUSAS). It’s crucial to understand that Biko’s stance was not anti-white in essence. His struggle was against white supremacy and the Apartheid system. The separation from NUSAS and the creation of the BCM stemmed from a need to establish autonomy from well-meaning white sympathizers who, despite their intentions, were still beneficiaries of the deeply unjust system. Stephen Bantu Biko is best remembered for his role in empowering Black voices, fostering a sense of Black pride akin to the ‘Negritude’ movement of Césaire and Senghor, and for propelling the liberation struggle forward by mobilizing the youth.
Childhood and Early Education of Stephen Bantu Biko
The preserved childhood home of Stephen Bantu Biko in King William’s Town, a significant landmark in South African history.
Stephen Bantu Biko was born on December 18, 1946, in Tarkastad, Eastern Province (now Eastern Cape), South Africa. He was the third child of Mzingaye Biko, a policeman turned clerk in the King William’s Town Native Affairs office, and Nokuzola Macethe Duna. Mzingaye, a man of intellect, was pursuing a law degree through the University of South Africa (UNISA) but passed away before completing his studies. In 1948, the Biko family relocated to Ginsberg Township, near King William’s Town. Through diligent saving, despite Nokuzola’s modest earnings as a domestic worker, they eventually owned a home on Zaula Street in the Brownlee section of Ginsberg.
Tragedy struck the family in 1950 when Mzingaye died suddenly, leaving Nokuzola to raise their children alone. She became the sole provider, working as a cook at Grey’s Hospital.
Stephen Bantu Biko’s elder brother, Khaya, was a politically engaged and athletic individual. He established the Sea Lions rugby club, later known as the Star of Hope. Khaya’s intellectual curiosity led him to become a reporter for the Forbes Grant School newspaper and to join the local branch of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), a political organization with considerable influence in the region. Under the mentorship of Malcolm Dyani, Khaya rose to become the secretary of the local PAC branch, attempting to recruit members through the Star of Hope rugby club.
Stephen, known as a jovial character to his friends Zinzo Gulwa, Ndikho Moss, Sipho Makwedini, and Siphiwo Ceko, began his formal education at Charles Morgan Higher Primary School around 1952, entering Standard Three (Grade Five). His teacher, Damsie Monaheng, recognizing his intelligence despite his playful nature and habit of being barefoot, recommended him for promotion to Standard Five, allowing him to skip Standard Four. Even though Stephen’s friends rarely saw him studying, he consistently excelled academically, often assisting classmates who struggled with their lessons.
After passing Standard Six in 1959, Stephen Bantu Biko advanced to Forbes Grant in 1960, an institution that would later produce many leaders in post-apartheid South Africa. At Forbes Grant, he formed a friendship with Larry Bekwa, who had been expelled from Lovedale College for participating in a strike against South Africa becoming a republic in 1961. Stephen distinguished himself as a dedicated high school student, particularly in mathematics and English. In 1962, at the age of 16, Stephen and Larry completed their Junior Certificate (Grade Ten).
Stephen then enrolled at Lovedale, where Khaya was already a student. However, in April, police raided the school seeking Khaya, suspected of involvement with Poqo, the armed wing of the PAC. Both brothers were arrested and taken to King William’s Town. Khaya was charged and sentenced to two years, with 15 months suspended, serving his term at Fort Glamorgan jail near East London.
Although Stephen was released and returned home, he ran away to live with Larry Bekwa in Peddie for the remainder of the year. He continued attending classes at Lovedale and befriended Barney Pityana, a fellow student on an Andrew Smith bursary. Political tensions were palpable at Lovedale, as Stephen arrived shortly after Thabo Mbeki’s expulsion following student strikes. Following Khaya’s arrest, Stephen was interrogated by the police and subsequently expelled from Lovedale after only three months. This expulsion ignited a “strong resentment toward White authority” in Stephen Bantu Biko, profoundly influencing his future political trajectory.
Khaya, barred from further schooling after his release, began working as a clerk at a law firm. Concerned about Stephen’s education, he contacted various schools and secured Stephen’s admission to St Francis College, a Catholic boarding school outside Durban in Marianhill, Natal (now KwaZulu-Natal), in 1964. There, Stephen began Form Four. By this time, his encounters with the police had deeply politicized him. Khaya later reflected:
“Stephen was expelled for absolutely no reason at all. But in retrospect I welcome the South African government’s gesture of exposing a really good politician. I had unsuccessfully tried to get Steve interested in politics. The police were able to do in one day what had eluded me for years. This time the great giant was awakened.”
St Francis College provided an enriching environment for Stephen Bantu Biko. He excelled academically and became the vice-chair of the St Francis College’s Literary and Debating Society. He developed a close bond with Jeff Baqwa, who noted Stephen’s burgeoning analytical and political acumen during discussions on Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) and the political implications of Winston Churchill’s death.
In December 1964, Stephen underwent the traditional Xhosa initiation rites at his uncle’s residence in Zwelitsha, King William’s Town. He “returned to St Francis as a man in 1965,” marking a significant personal and cultural milestone.
University Years and NUSAS Involvement of Stephen Bantu Biko
After achieving excellent grades at St Francis, Stephen Bantu Biko was admitted to Durban Medical School at the University of Natal Non-European section (UNNE), Wentworth, at the start of 1966. He resided in Alan Taylor Residence, the segregated housing for Black students at Natal University (now the University of KwaZulu-Natal–UKZN).
The Black section had its own Students’ Representative Council (SRC), affiliated with the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS). Stephen Bantu Biko was elected to the SRC in his first year and became involved in NUSAS politics, attending his first annual NUSAS conference. Even before the conference, he was actively debating the role of NUSAS, particularly the dominance of White students due to the demographic imbalance in South African universities at the time. The ANC-aligned African Students Association (ASA) favored remaining in NUSAS, while the PAC-aligned African Students Union of South Africa (ASUSA) advocated for separation.
During this period, Stephen Bantu Biko befriended Aubrey Mokoape, who had a PAC background. They frequently debated the NUSAS affiliation issue. Mokoape opposed remaining in NUSAS, but Biko initially argued for staying, recognizing the organization’s resources, if for no other reason.
The Pivotal NUSAS Conference of July 1967
In July 1967, Stephen Bantu Biko attended the NUSAS conference at Rhodes University in Grahamstown, Eastern Cape. During the train journey to Grahamstown, the Wentworth students discussed the affiliation issue, resolving to withdraw from NUSAS if Black students were segregated in accommodation, adhering to Apartheid legislation.
Recounting the events at the SASO/BPC trial in 1975, Biko stated:
“It so happened that when we got to Rhodes University, in the first instance the conference organiser could not quite say where we were going to stay. We were all put in the hall in different places, and we eventually noticed that all the White students went first, then some of the Indian students, then eventually he came to us to say he had found a church where we could stay. At that moment I felt we had ample reason to stick by our decision on the train.”
In a letter to SRC presidents in February 1970, after becoming SASO president, Stephen Bantu Biko elaborated:
“In the NUSAS conference of 1967 the Blacks were made to stay at a church building in the Grahamstown location, each day being brought to the conference site by cars etc. On the other hand their White “brothers” were staying in residences around the conference site. This is perhaps the turning point in the history of Black support for NUSAS. So appalling were the conditions that it showed the Blacks just how valued they were in the organisation.”
In compliance with the Separate Amenities Act, Black students were indeed housed and fed separately. While NUSAS executive condemned the university’s arrangements, Black students were divided on whether to withdraw from the conference.
On the conference’s opening day, Stephen Bantu Biko delivered his regional report in isiXhosa, highlighting Black students’ alienation from the NUSAS agenda. Robin Margo, President of the University of Witwatersrand (Wits) SRC, moved a motion to condemn the University Council, which passed.
Subsequently, Stephen Bantu Biko proposed suspending the conference, arguing that NUSAS organizers were aware of the segregated housing arrangements beforehand. After extensive debate, his motion was defeated.
Feeling marginalized by their small numbers, the dominance of English, and the divergence of their concerns from those of white students, Stephen Bantu Biko and his Black peers walked out of the conference.
The Genesis of Caucusing
Following the walkout, Stephen Bantu Biko traveled to Port Elizabeth to meet Barney Pityana, who had recently attended the launch of the University Christian Movement (UCM) in Rosettenville, Johannesburg. Pityana, a law student at Fort Hare University, was among many students later expelled from Fort Hare in 1969.
The UCM, under the leadership of radical priests Colin Collins and Basil Moore, introduced Black Theology to South Africa. It forged alliances with the South African Council of Churches (SACC), the Christian Institute (CI), and the South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR). The UCM would play a crucial role in facilitating the birth of SASO.
Stephen Bantu Biko embarked on a nationwide tour to garner support for a Black-only student organization. Initially, Pityana opposed the idea but was eventually convinced by Biko, becoming a staunch advocate and Biko’s closest ally.
Stutterheim, 1968: Solidifying the Need for SASO
At the UCM conference in Stutterheim in July 1968, Stephen Bantu Biko and his Black colleagues faced a similar situation to the Rhodes conference. They were required to leave the venue after 72 hours and relocate to a Black township to comply with laws preventing Blacks from staying in White areas for longer durations. This arrangement further solidified Biko’s conviction of the hypocrisy they faced.
After the conference, Stephen Bantu Biko, Pityana, and others convened at Biko’s Ginsberg home to discuss launching a Black student body. Biko was tasked with mobilizing Black students from all Black campuses.
They attended a meeting of Black Christian student bodies at Fort Hare, where Basil Moore was scheduled to speak. However, Moore was barred from speaking, and Stephen Bantu Biko was asked to take his place. While the meeting successfully established a UCM branch at Fort Hare, more importantly, students resolved to join the formation of the South African Students Organisation (SASO).
At Fort Hare, opinions were divided between those wanting to re-establish the SRC and those opposing it. Justice Moloto supported the former, while Pityana supported the latter. Moloto became president of UCM, later providing financial support for SASO.
Despite these developments, Stephen Bantu Biko remained open to working within NUSAS, initially aiming to form a pressure group within the national organization rather than complete separation.
During this period, Stephen Bantu Biko resided at Alan Taylor Residence, forming close friendships with Vuyelwa Mashalaba, Charles Sibisi, Chapman Palweni, and Goolam ‘Gees’ Abram, an Indian medical student. Ben Ngubane and Ben Mgulwa later joined their circle.
Through Vuyelwa Mashalaba, Stephen Bantu Biko met Mamphela Ramphele, who began her second year of medical studies at UNNE in 1968.
Wits University Congress 1968: A Symbolic Stand
For the NUSAS congress at Wits University in 1968, Wits SRC president John Kane Berman ensured accommodation issues were resolved. The congress was largely uneventful, according to Biko. However, when an Afrikaner student delivered his report in Afrikaans, Gees Abram responded in Urdu, and Stephen Bantu Biko delivered his in isiXhosa. At the congress’s conclusion, when white students sang the South African anthem, Die Stem, Black students sang Nkosi Sikelele iAfrika, marking a clear cultural and political distinction. Duncan Innes, a close friend of Biko, was elected president of NUSAS after Biko nominated him.
Following Innes’s election, Stephen Bantu Biko congratulated him in a letter on August 22, 1968, pledging support and cooperation.
In November 1968, Stephen Bantu Biko reassured Innes that he was not advocating for disaffiliation from NUSAS, while continuing to advance plans for SASO.
On October 14, 1968, Stephen Bantu Biko sent invitations to Black student bodies to attend the launch of SASO from December 1-3 that year. Students convened at Marianhill in December 1968 and officially founded SASO.
SASO’s Founding Congress: Birthing Black Student Agency
SASO’s founding congress took place at Turfloop, Northern Transvaal (now Limpopo) in July 1969. Stephen Bantu Biko was elected as the first president, with Petrus Machaka as deputy president.
In his presidential address, ‘SASO – Its Role, its Significance and its Future,’ Stephen Bantu Biko outlined the organization’s purpose and role. He described SASO as a middle ground between Black militants rejecting NUSAS and White liberals advocating multiracial interaction. Initially, SASO was not intended to replace NUSAS but to address the hypocrisy within NUSAS.
“What SASO objects to is the dichotomy between principle and practice so apparent among members of that organisation (NUSAS). While very few would like to criticise NUSAS policy and principles as they appear on paper, one tends to get worried at all the hypocrisy practised by the members of that organisation. This serves to make the non-White members feels unaccepted and insulted in many instances.”
Stephen Bantu Biko highlighted the White dominance in NUSAS leadership and membership despite Blacks being the majority in South Africa. In 1969, there were 27,000 White university students compared to only 3,000 Black students.
He also anticipated a rightward shift within NUSAS and emphasized the necessity of Black student influence. For these reasons, SASO would not affiliate with NUSAS. NUSAS had faced internal conflicts since the start of Apartheid, with radical leaders often differing from moderate members. By 1964, this schism became apparent, with moderate students beginning to displace radicals. Ultimately, the BCM, spearheaded by Stephen Bantu Biko, exerted a radicalizing influence on NUSAS, with subsequent leaders drawing from Black militant ideologies.
A historical photograph of Steve Biko and Mamphela Ramphele, highlighting their personal and political relationship during the struggle against Apartheid.
Around this time, Stephen Bantu Biko and Mamphela Ramphele began a romantic relationship. Ramphele was already engaged to Dick Mmabane, whom she had known since high school. Despite the emotional complexities and with wedding arrangements underway, Ramphele married Mmabane in December 1969, devastating Stephen Bantu Biko.
The Definitive Split from NUSAS, 1970
Stephen Bantu Biko did not attend the NUSAS conference at the University of Cape Town (UCT) in 1969, focusing on rallying support for SASO across Black campuses. However, Black student leaders who attended staged a walkout. Neville Curtis, a more radical figure, was elected NUSAS President for 1969-70. Curtis, along with Horst Kleinschmidt, Paula Ensor, and others, engaged in radical activism, eventually leading to their banning. Sheila Lapinsky, Paul Pretorius, Clive Keegan, Chris Wood, and Philip le Roux were also banned.
Stephen Bantu Biko began a relationship with Paula Ensor, who fully supported SASO’s creation. Years later, Ensor reflected on Biko and SASO:
“The withdrawal of SASO and the transformation of NUSAS were outward manifestations of Biko’s influence on White student politics. But his influence was also felt in more personal ways, especially by students based in Durban at that time, as I was – for a small group of White students, SASO represented the re-emergence of radical politics and needed to be actively supported.”
Stephen Bantu Biko attended the 1970 NUSAS congress in Eston, Natal, as an observer and SASO delegate. Paul Pretorius proposed a motion for NUSAS to recognize SASO as the representative body for Black students in South Africa, advocating for closer ties and acknowledging their shared commitment to non-racialism despite differing methods. The motion sparked outrage, with Wits and UCT delegations threatening to leave. While Neville Curtis sought compromise, the majority rejected the proposition. In a dramatic moment, Paula Ensor publicly demonstrated her solidarity by sitting on Stephen Bantu Biko’s lap, highlighting their illegal interracial relationship under Apartheid law.
In his personal life, Stephen Bantu Biko met Nontsikelelo ‘Ntsiki’ Mashalaba, Vuyelwa’s cousin, and they married in December 1970 in King William’s Town. They celebrated at his mother’s house. Their first child, a son named Nkosinathi, was born in 1971.
SASO Takes Root and Expands
At the first General Students Council of SASO in July 1970, Barney Pityana was elected President, and Stephen Bantu Biko became Chair of SASO Publications. Biko started writing articles under the pseudonym Frank Talk, titled ‘I Write What I like,’ in SASO newsletters. In the August/September newsletter, he published ‘Black Souls in White Skins,’ critiquing South African liberalism and the role of white liberals in Black politics.
By this point, SASO leaders, confident in their direction, voted to fully withdraw from NUSAS, refusing to recognize it as the national student body.
Mamphela Ramphele described 1969-1971 as SASO’s “trial period,” marked by community project experimentation in Durban and surrounding areas. Students initiated community upliftment projects, assisting squatters near Phoenix settlement, running a clinic near Wentworth, and launching literacy, health, and agricultural programs. These projects, continuing over the next years, aimed to improve living conditions and foster self-empowerment, a core principle of the BCM.
At the second General Student Council in July 1971, SASO articulated the aims of Black Consciousness. Students passed a resolution on Black Theology, rejecting the Christianity of the White electorate, which they saw as supporting oppression. SASO also began considering forming broader political movements and trade unions.
During the December 1971 holidays, students conducted a survey in Winterveldt near Pretoria to gather data for community development projects. They assisted at the Mabopane private clinic and studied public gathering points like bus and taxi ranks and informal markets. In the north, Turfloop students aided the Monkwe clinic, building community relations.
In April 1972, SASO gained national attention when Onkgopotse Abram Tiro was expelled from Turfloop for criticizing Bantu education and racism. Students launched a solidarity strike, leading to further expulsions. SASO was suspended but revived in 1974 by Pandelani Nefolovhodwe and others, operating off-campus.
At the third General Student Council in July 1972, SASO President Temba Sono advocated for better relations with Whites and homeland leaders, sparking outrage. Stephen Bantu Biko introduced a motion of censure, deeming Sono’s speech against SASO policy. Pityana proposed Sono’s expulsion.
The council also debated armed struggle, with some, led by Keith Mokoape, urging SASO to join. However, SASO resolved to remain an above-ground organization.
Conversely, the council strongly opposed Apartheid institutions, particularly the Bantustan system and Bantu education.
The Formation of the Black People’s Convention (BPC)
A vintage poster for the Black People’s Convention, illustrating the visual identity and aims of the Black Consciousness Movement’s broader political organization.
From 1970, SASO leaders considered expanding beyond student membership, envisioning a broader community organization, leading to the Black People’s Convention (BPC). In April 1971, representatives from six organizations, including the Interdenominational African Ministers’ Association (IDAMASA) and the Association for the Advancement of African People of South Africa (ASSECA), met in Bloemfontein. A steering committee was formed, and ASSECA President MT Moerane was tasked with drafting a constitution. A second steering committee, led by Drake Koka, convened in Lenasia in January 1972.
Debate ensued about the BPC’s nature and function. Some envisioned it as a coordinating umbrella body, while others wanted it to be a vanguard organization leading a political project to seize power. Stephen Bantu Biko favored a middle ground, emphasizing consultation with all Black communities, including Indian and Coloured communities, to ensure the inclusivity of ‘Black’ as defined by the BCM.
Stephen Bantu Biko invited Saths Cooper and Strini Moodley to join the second steering committee. After preparatory meetings, the BPC was launched at its first national conference in Hammanskraal in December 1972, with 1,400 delegates from 145 organizations. The conference aimed to ‘unite all South African Blacks into a political movement, which would seek liberation and emancipation of Black people from both psychological and physical oppression’.
From its inception, Stephen Bantu Biko was actively involved in BPC affairs, formally serving as its full-time youth coordinator.
Black Community Programmes (BCP): Implementing Black Consciousness
The Black Consciousness Movement, in collaboration with the Study Project on Christianity in Apartheid Society (Spro-cas), established Black Community Programmes (BCP) in January 1972, led by social worker Bennie Khoapa. Funded by Rev. Beyers Naude’s Christian Institute, BCP initiated community development projects in King William’s Town, Winterveldt, and other areas.
After leaving medical school in August 1972, Stephen Bantu Biko became deeply involved in BCP. He explained the organization’s rationale:
“Essentially to answer [the] problem that the Black man is a defeated being who finds it very difficult to lift himself up by his boot strings. He is alienated; He is made to live all the time concerned with matters of existence, concerned with tomorrow. Now, we felt that we must attempt to defeat and break this kind of attitude and instil once more a sense of dignity within the Black man. So what we did was to design various types of programmes, present these to the Black community with an obvious illustration that these are done by the Black people for the sole purpose of uplifting the Black community. We believed that we teach people by example.”
Mamphela Ramphele, a key BCP figure, noted:
“The Eastern Cape office was set up in response to Steve Biko’s banning and restriction to that area in 1973. Offices in the Transvaal and Natal followed in 1974 and 1975 respectively, but the Eastern Cape emerged as the dominant region in terms of projects and the calibre of staff it employed.”
BCP became the publishing arm of the BCM, producing Black Review, annual reviews, and publications like Creativity in Development and Black Perspectives, as well as Black Viewpoint through Ravan Press.
State Repression: Bannings and the Reaction to BCM’s Growth
The BCM’s growing influence in media, schools, community theaters, and public events marked a departure from the quiescence after the ANC and PAC bannings. However, this visibility also drew state repression. Tiro’s expulsion was an early sign, followed by Mthuli Shezi’s tragic death in December 1972, highlighting the dangers faced by BC activists.
BPC’s plans for sectorial affiliates posed a threat to the Apartheid regime’s homeland policy. In March 1973, the state cracked down, banning Drake Koka and Bokwe Mafuna, involved in union projects. Stephen Bantu Biko and Pityana were also banned in March 1973. In August 1973, Mosibudi Mangena was imprisoned for alleged recruitment into armed struggle. Tiro was killed by a parcel bomb in Botswana in January 1974, indicating escalating state ruthlessness.
Leaders replacing those banned in March were themselves banned in August, and their replacements in October. Despite this, the BCM’s influence grew, leading to further state repression, notably after the Frelimo Rallies.
Stephen Bantu Biko: Personal Life, Politics, and Return to the Eastern Cape
Stephen Bantu Biko’s political activism impacted his medical studies, leading to his exclusion from medical school in 1972. He then enrolled in law and political science courses at UNISA, more relevant to his political work.
Throughout this early period, Stephen Bantu Biko was based in Natal, with BCM offices in Beatrice Street, Durban.
By 1971, Ramphele’s marriage had ended, and she and Biko resumed their relationship. This, coupled with his existing marriage to Ntsiki Mashalaba and their son, created personal stress amidst political pressures.
The state banned Stephen Bantu Biko in March 1973, confining him to King William’s Town. He returned to Ginsberg, initially living at his mother’s house in Leightonville, his designated restriction address.
With Stephen Bantu Biko working for BCP on a stipend, the family relied on Ntsiki’s income. However, Apartheid authorities made it difficult for Ntsiki to find employment in Ginsberg, causing financial hardship.
Stephen Bantu Biko asked Malusi Mpumlwana to join him in King William’s Town to help establish a BCM office. Mpumlwana agreed, intending to stay briefly, but remained for years.
Stephen Bantu Biko enlisted Fikile Mlinda to help establish a BPC branch in Ginsberg, holding their first meeting at St Andrews Church, led by Anglican priest David Russell.
A dedicated group of comrades, including Malusi Mpumlwana, Mapetla Mohapi, Peter Jones, and Tom Manthata, attended the meeting. Mlinda’s subsequent arrest showed the security police’s close surveillance of Stephen Bantu Biko. However, the strong turnout, including comrades from distant regions, encouraged the local community.
David Russell provided the venue at St Andrew’s Church and became Stephen Bantu Biko’s confidant. Russell had been involved with communities forcibly removed to Dimbaza, part of his parish, protesting forced removals and even fasting to highlight their hunger. Russell’s departure in December 1973 was a loss for Stephen Bantu Biko.
Stephen Bantu Biko also maintained contact with Father Aelred Stubbs, who moved to Alice and later returned to Rosettenville in 1972. Stubbs also became a trusted confidant.
Besides his comrades, Stephen Bantu Biko found strong support in his family. His mother, Mamcete, and sisters Nobandile and Bukelwa, provided crucial support, making the Biko family house a central gathering place for the movement.
Stephen Bantu Biko initiated several local projects. BCP supported home industries like Njwaxa Home Industries, employing about 50 people by 1974 in leather goods and clothing manufacturing. The Border Council of Churches, in collaboration with BCP, employed another 70.
Stephen Bantu Biko established the Ginsberg Educational Fund, providing bursaries for students, many attending Fort Hare University. The fund, managed by Malusi and Thoko Mpumlwana, Nohle Mohapi, and Charles Nqakula, expanded to other Eastern Cape areas.
Stephen Bantu Biko also revived the Ginsberg Creche to care for children of working mothers.
Zanempilo Clinic: A Hub of Community and Resistance
The Zanempilo Health Clinic in Zinyoka village, near King William’s Town, was established with a donation from a German-South African citizen. Stephen Bantu Biko approached B ka T Tyamzashe and Rev James Gawe, securing permission to build the clinic on church land. Stephen Bantu Biko had a good relationship with Tyamzashe, a choral music composer.
Zanempilo, opening in January 1975, became a BCM hub. Activists from across the country converged there. Ramphele described it as a “guesthouse for visitors from far and wide that came to see the project and consult with Steve over a range of issues. These visits increased as Steve’s stature grew both nationally and internationally.”
Stephen Bantu Biko and Donald Woods: From Adversaries to Allies
A memorable photograph of Steve Biko in conversation with Donald Woods, symbolizing their evolving relationship from initial disagreement to deep friendship and mutual respect.
The BCM’s rise prompted reactions from white commentators, including Donald Woods, editor of the East London Daily Despatch. Woods, initially critical of SASO and BCM for perceived separatism, published articles condemning their rejection of whites. Irritated by Woods’s criticisms, Stephen Bantu Biko sent Mamphela Ramphele to clarify the BCM’s true nature.
Ramphele met Woods, explaining BCM’s philosophy and urging him to meet Stephen Bantu Biko. Woods recalls Ramphele’s intelligence and directness forcing him to reconsider his views.
Woods met Stephen Bantu Biko after Zanempilo’s opening. They became close friends, with the Woods family frequenting Zanempilo. Woods offered Stephen Bantu Biko a column in the Daily Dispatch, published under Mapetla Mohapi’s name due to Biko’s banning order. Mohapi was later arrested and killed in detention.
Frelimo Rallies and the SASO/BPC Trial: Confrontation and Testimony
As the first generation of BC leaders faced restrictions, a second generation emerged, including Muntu Myeza. Myeza, SASO secretary-general in 1974, proposed rallies to celebrate Mozambique’s impending independence under Frelimo.
Rallies were planned in Durban and Turfloop but were quickly banned. Myeza and others defied the ban. Stephen Bantu Biko, cautious, warned of the risks, supported by Mohapi and Mpumlwana, but younger leaders proceeded. The Durban rally proceeded, with Myeza addressing 5,000 people. Clashes occurred at Turfloop.
The state responded swiftly, raiding 200 BCM activists and putting 13 leaders on trial. Nine were eventually tried in the SASO/BPC trial: Saths Cooper, Muntu Myeza, Strini Moodley, Patrick ‘Terror’ Lekota, Nchaupe Mokoape, Pandelani Nefolovhodwe, Nkwenkwe Nkomo, Kaborone Sedibe, and Zithulele Cindi. The trial became a major political event.
Stephen Bantu Biko was subpoenaed as a defense witness, testifying for a week in May 1976. He presented Black Consciousness as a progressive anti-apartheid movement, carefully avoiding language that could incriminate the defendants on terrorism or insurrection charges.
This was Stephen Bantu Biko’s first public appearance since his 1973 banning.
According to Lindy Wilson:
“The prosecutor constantly led arguments in which he attempted to connect BC, and those charged, with the politics of the banned movements and their leaders. Biko was called at the very time that the BPC was embarking on its unifying role aimed at making contact with those banned organisations, and his genius lay in the way in which he kept many balls in the air at once, not compromising, not intimidating and yet maintaining the attention of the judge. Not everything he said was exactly the way it was.”
Stephen Bantu Biko’s testimony, described as a ‘seminar on Black Consciousness,’ captivated the nation. Ben Khoapa told Aelred Stubbs: ‘Overnight, Steve became the toast of the Soweto shebeens. Here at last was the authentic voice of the people, not afraid to say openly what other Blacks think but are too frightened to say.’
The accused received sentences of five to six years on Robben Island, possibly mitigated by Stephen Bantu Biko’s testimony.
Stephen Bantu Biko’s Final Years: 1975-1977
Stephen Bantu Biko remained deeply involved in BCP and consulted on BCM matters. His SASO/BPC trial testimony raised his international profile. Foreign diplomats sought his insights on South African politics.
In August 1975, Stephen Bantu Biko’s sister Bukelwa died at 33.
In 1975, Stephen Bantu Biko was detained for 137 days without charge.
The BPC held its fourth national conference in King William’s Town.
In early 1976, Stephen Bantu Biko’s banning order was tightened, preventing him from directing BCP, a role Ramphele took over. His SASO/BPC trial testimony required special permission.
Following his testimony, the Soweto Uprising erupted on June 16, 1976, triggered by protests against Afrikaans as a medium of instruction. Police violence shocked the world.
A crackdown on BC activists followed. Mapetla Mohapi was arrested on July 15, 1976, and killed in detention weeks later. Mpumlwana, Mxolisi Mvovo, Thenjiwe Mtintso, and Thoko Mabanjwa were arrested in August. On August 27, 1976, at the height of the Soweto uprising, Stephen Bantu Biko was arrested and held in solitary confinement for 101 days.
Shortly after release, Stephen Bantu Biko met US Senator Dick Clark in December 1976, among other diplomats. Some BC leaders disapproved of meeting with an American diplomat.
Stephen Bantu Biko also maintained close ties with Australian diplomat Bruce Haigh.
He continued community work, including helping defend five boys accused of burning down Forbes Grant School in 1977, enlisting lawyer Griffiths Mxenge.
Stephen Bantu Biko enjoyed socializing, frequenting shebeens like Getty’s Place, where patrons protected him from security police.
He was close to Sonwabo Yengo, sharing gumbas (parties) with singing, including Donny Hathaway’s “To be Young, Gifted and Black” and struggle songs.
Yengo last saw Stephen Bantu Biko bruised and limping, saying he had been beaten by white men and feared they would kill him.
Efforts to Unify Liberation Movements
Stephen Bantu Biko worked to unify liberation organizations, including the ANC, PAC, and NEUM, from the mid-1970s. Mpumlwana and Mohapi were instrumental in these efforts, with Mohapi reportedly recruiting for the ANC.
Mpumlwana and Mohapi envisioned BPC as a catalyst for unity, recognizing the ANC and PAC as established movements and aiming for national consciousness involving all anti-apartheid movements.
Stephen Bantu Biko met with banned PAC leader Robert Sobukwe and ANC operative Griffiths Mxenge, both receptive to unity efforts.
However, some BC leaders favored the ANC’s Freedom Charter, diverging from Stephen Bantu Biko’s vision for BPC’s central role.
Planned meetings between Stephen Bantu Biko and ANC leader Oliver Tambo and Thabo Mbeki were thwarted by security concerns.
Barney Pityana and Ben Khoapa also planned to meet Tambo, but suspected a trap and avoided it, revealing Craig Williamson as an Apartheid spy.
In 1977, Stephen Bantu Biko became honorary BPC president, meant to lead unity efforts.
The state, keen to prevent BCM-exile organization links, frequently detained Stephen Bantu Biko. In March 1977, he and Mpumlwana were arrested again. Ramphele was banished.
With leaders neutralized, unity plans stalled. Stephen Bantu Biko asked Peter Jones to assist in King William’s Town. Their decision to meet Neville Alexander in Cape Town led to their final detention.
The Fateful Trip to See Neville Alexander
After midnight on August 17, 1977, Stephen Bantu Biko and Jones drove to Cape Town to meet Neville Alexander and local BC leaders critical of Stephen Bantu Biko’s diplomacy and economic views.
Upon arrival, Alexander declined to meet, fearing repercussions for both banned leaders. Despite Bam’s persuasion, Alexander remained reluctant due to security risks and local BC activists’ advice.
Stephen Bantu Biko decided to return to King William’s Town that evening. During the 12-hour drive back, they were stopped at a police roadblock near King William’s Town. Despite a disguise, Stephen Bantu Biko acknowledged his identity.
Jones was taken to Algoa Police Station, and Stephen Bantu Biko to Walmer Police Station in Port Elizabeth. Jones endured severe torture, never seeing Stephen Bantu Biko again.
The Tragic Death of Stephen Bantu Biko
Stephen Bantu Biko was held naked and manacled for 20 days before being moved to the Security Police headquarters in Port Elizabeth. When he refused to stand, Captain Siebert assaulted him.
Stephen Bantu Biko suffered a brain hemorrhage between September 6 and 7. Despite his injuries, police kept him shackled and naked. Doctors, including Dr. Ivor Lang, downplayed his condition. Dr. Benjamin Tucker suggested hospitalization but relented to police objections.
Lang did not object to police driving Stephen Bantu Biko to Pretoria, 700km away, on September 11, naked and in critical condition. In Pretoria, a district surgeon examined him, but it was too late.
Stephen Bantu Biko died alone in his cell on the night of September 12, 1977.
Reaction to Stephen Bantu Biko’s Death: Outrage and Cover-Up
Stephen Bantu Biko’s death announcement sparked international outrage. The government attempted to deflect blame, claiming he died from a hunger strike.
On September 14, the Rand Daily Mail reported Stephen Bantu Biko’s death, noting he was the 20th person to die in Security Police custody in 18 months.
A portrait of Jimmy Kruger, the Minister of Justice at the time of Steve Biko’s death, whose insensitive remarks fueled public outrage and demands for accountability.
Minister of Justice Jimmy Kruger presented the government’s version, claiming Stephen Bantu Biko was on a hunger strike since September 5. He stated a district surgeon found nothing wrong on September 7.
Kruger callously remarked at a National Party congress: “I am not glad and I am not sorry about Mr Biko. It leaves me cold.” He justified Stephen Bantu Biko’s detention, falsely claiming possession of inciting pamphlets.
Donald Woods refuted the hunger strike claim, stating Stephen Bantu Biko had said he would never endanger his life in detention.
The Afrikaans newspaper Die Burger echoed government sentiments, dismissing concerns and accusing critics of hysterical propaganda.
The state broadcaster, SABC, supported the government’s narrative, suggesting suicide and defending police actions.
International outrage was widespread, with governments issuing condemnations and condolences.
Donald Woods eulogized Stephen Bantu Biko as “the most important political leader in the entire country, and quite simply the greatest man I have ever had the privilege to know.”
A post-mortem, with delayed family pathologist notification, revealed brain damage. Woods challenged Kruger’s hunger strike claims and learned Kruger had concealed the coroner’s report.
The Funeral: A National Day of Mourning and Protest
Steve Biko’s coffin at his funeral, a powerful symbol of resistance and unity against Apartheid, attended by thousands despite police blockades.
Stephen Bantu Biko’s funeral on September 25, 1977, drew 20,000 mourners, with many more turned away by police roadblocks. Police blocked routes, stopping convoys and turning back thousands.
Despite roadblocks, people arrived from across South Africa and the world. Dr Nthato Motlana reported police brutality against mourners.
Diplomats from 13 Western countries and South African figures like Donald Woods and Helen Suzman attended.
The funeral became a political rally, with denunciations of Apartheid and mourners chanting ‘Power!’ as Stephen Bantu Biko’s coffin was lowered.
The Inquest: A Façade of Justice
Public calls for an inquest led to proceedings starting on November 14, 1977, in Pretoria. However, authorities had already preemptively cleared any criminal proceedings.
The inquest, ostensibly to determine the cause of death, was seen as a cover-up. Hilda Bernstein described it as “a conspiracy to defeat the ends of justice.”
Sir David Napley, observing the inquest, noted the prosecutor’s efforts to defend the police and doctors.
The inquest became a spectacle, with international media coverage and daily protests outside the courthouse.
Security policemen, doctors, and pathologists testified, presenting a narrative absolving responsibility. The Deputy Attorney-General concluded there was “no positive evidence” of anyone causing Stephen Bantu Biko’s death, a conclusion echoed by the judge.
Despite being attributed to a “prison accident,” inquest evidence revealed Stephen Bantu Biko was chained, stripped, beaten, and driven 700km while critically injured.
Two years later, the South African Medical and Dental Council (SAMDC) cleared the doctors who treated Stephen Bantu Biko. Further petitions for inquiry were rejected. International pressure mounted for accountability.
After eight years, in 1985, a Pretoria Supreme Court ordered the SAMDC to investigate the doctors’ conduct, citing prima facie evidence of improper conduct.
The Aftermath: Legacy and Continued Struggle
Following Stephen Bantu Biko’s death, the state banned 18 BCM-aligned organizations on October 17, 1977, including SASO, BPC, and BCP, as well as the Christian Institute and Beyers Naude. Donald Woods was also banned.
The Azanian People’s Organisation (AZAPO) was formed in 1979 but also faced banning. By the 1980s, the BCM declined, with the Congress movement and the United Democratic Front gaining prominence. Stephen Bantu Biko’s unity vision remained unfulfilled, as the ANC ultimately led post-apartheid South Africa.
Stephen Bantu Biko is survived by his wife, Ntsiki, son Nkosinathi, and son Samora with Mamphela Ramphele.
Nkosinathi Biko established the Steve Biko Foundation, a prominent non-profit organization in the Eastern Cape. In 2013, the foundation opened a community center in Ginsberg, King William’s Town, promoting dialogue and community development.
Nelson Mandela paid tribute to Stephen Bantu Biko in 2002, recognizing his transformative impact:
“Living, he was the spark that lit a veld fire across South Africa. His message to the youth and students was simple and clear: Black is Beautiful! Be proud of your Blackness! And with that he inspired our youth to shed themselves of the sense of inferiority they were born into as a result of more than three hundred years of white rule.”
